Belfast anti-racist demonstrations
Loyalists faced down, but how do we fight the ongoing intimidation?
The mass Belfast demonstrations against racism were among the most significant in Ireland and Britain. On Friday 9th August a counter protest at the City Hall outnumbered racists by ten to one forcing them to disperse and slink off. The next day over 10,000 people took part in a march and demonstration that was billed a celebration of diversity.
A significant role was played by the trade union movement. NIPSA, INTO and UNISON were a major presence, as were officers of Belfast trades council. A number of Sinn Féin members were present, but without any large formal delegation.
The union presence is important, both in indicating that we should pressure the unions for more action and to show up the pathetic performance of ICTU, whose response to racist riots in Dublin was to hold one lunchtime meeting and then hand the whole issue over to the state. In England the union strategy was to unite with Starmer, and the leaderships played little role in the anti racist mobilisation.
As we remark elsewhere, the racists are dangerous, especially in the Irish context of what was essentially a loyalist mobilisation with a history of violence and intimidation. Their racist campaign stretches back for years.
However, the roots of racism can be found in the state. The Stormont Executive condemned the violence, but had to include unionist claims of genuine fears and legitimate protest.
Sinn Féin were in an awkward position. They joined in the condemnation, but they had just shifted their policy on migrants far to the right, with the claim that we had to listen to the people of Coolock (referring to anti-migrant riots there). Now the thugs behind the riots had turned up in Belfast in alliance with loyalism. Luckily no-one challenged them about their contradictory behaviour.
The real danger came from the police. The PSNI fell back before a handful of thugs and then backed away as businesses were attacked in front of their eyes. They have been doing this for years in relation to loyalism and sectarian intimidation and the political parties praise them for their failure.
The trade unions and anti-racist groups humiliated the Loyalists in terms of demonstrating their isolation, but there were many weaknesses in the broad front approach. Sinn Féin's Dierdre Hargey spoke at the main demonstration and the hypocrisy of her organisation was not challenged. The IRSP turned up, and no-one mentioned the political campaign against a homeless charity which was followed by an attack, death threats and the closure of the facility.
Dr Raied Al-Wazzan of the Northern Ireland Council for Racial Equality praised the police for their work. Presumably he was not in touch with those cowering in their homes or with nurses afraid to go to work.
The immediate threat has gone away, but loyalist intimidation and state collaboration are still there, with weekly reports of migrant families forced from their homes.
That's why we need a workers’ defence organisation. Not to strap on revolvers, but to observe and identify intimidation and name the individuals and groups involved, as well as the ongoing collaboration by the state and political parties. We can then approach unions and activists for more specific action to face down racism and sectarianism.