Racist violence in England
Starmer's bluster hides capitulation to the right
The anti-immigration riots that erupted in England on 30 July caused shock and anger. While the spark for the violence was the fatal stabbing of three young girls in Southport by a male teenager of African descent it is clear that plans for widespread disorder were already in place. If it was not this incident it would have been something else. Disinformation and directions to “protesters” were circulating almost immediately. At its height fascist led mobs were roaming freely targeting individuals, homes and businesses perceived as having some connection with Islam or migrants. The racist mobs faced minimal opposition from the police. The rampage was only brought to an end by counter demonstrations which faced them down through force of numbers.
If we draw back from the riots to get a broader perspective of how things have come to this point, we can identify a number of key factors. The most immediate one is the outcome of the general election which saw the end of a long period of Conservative government. The collapse of the Conservatives vote share and seats from just five years ago was unprecedented in modern times. What largely accounted for this defeat was the loss of a large portion of Conservatives voters to the far-right Reform party (the successor to UKIP and the Brexit party). It was this split on the right that largely accounted for the victory of the Labour party in terms of seats. In terms of votes the party got actually less than it did in 2019. Despite pandering to the prejudices of Tories the party only managed to add 2% to its vote share. Tory voters from 2019 were more likely to have died than to have switched to Labour in 2024! They were clearly unconvinced by Starmer and preferred to cast their votes for the overtly racist Reform party. The overall election campaign was dominated by the issue of immigration with the main parties competing over which could be the most hardline. A pledge by Labour to deport Bangladeshis foreshadowed the violence directed towards Asian Muslims soon afterwards. The only difference between Tories and Labour on the issue was over the practicality of the Rwandan scheme. With the defeat of the Tories the racist fantasy of sending asylum seekers to Africa was taken away. The prominence of anti-immigration as an issue was carried on after the election with the new Labour home secretary announcing an increase in raids on the premises of businesses that employed migrants. When the anti-migrant/anti-Muslim violence erupted it did so in a political environment that was already highly charged.
Another theme of the general election, though one that is rarely mentioned, is the debacle of Brexit. Five years ago, Boris Johnson won a substantial majority on the back of his deal with the EU and his pledge to “Get Brexit Done”. Yet the claimed benefits of Brexit quickly turned to ashes. This was seen most dramatically on the issue of migration. One of the claims was that by ending free movement the British government would have control over its borders and be able to reduce migration. This was a big motivator for those who voted for Brexit. But it turned out to be illusory. The ending of free movement of workers from the EU created a labour crisis for the UK economy that was only eased by the relaxing visa rules for non-EU citizens. Brexit actually resulted in an increase in immigration. Moreover, the new immigrants were more likely to be coming from the global south. It is unlikely that the people who objected to white European migrants would be more welcoming to migrants from the subcontinent and Africa. This is just one example of ideology meeting economic reality. The problem is that failings of Brexit are not being exposed and challenged by any major political party. Labour is promoting the same illusions as the Tories by claiming that it can “Make Brexit Work”. At the same time, it is promising to grow the economy. But how can this be done without increasing trade and allowing businesses to recruit workers from Europe? The economic imperatives point to closer relations with the EU and a rolling back of Johnson’s Brexit deal. Yet the Labour government has ruled out any renegotiation. By placing itself in the same political bind as its Tory predecessors it will inevitably encounter the same problems.
In a longer time frame the outcome of the general election and the racist riots that followed are the culmination of Thatcherism. It is no coincidence that the violence occurred in the areas of England that have faced the most severe economic and social degradation over the forty years of deindustrialisation and deregulation. While often described as working class the people engaged in rioting are mostly declassed and lumpen elements that have been pushed into a precarious existence on the edges of society. They are the classic fodder for right wing demagogues and fascist organisations. They are not the leaders of the racist revolt but the ones being led. This social decay is also reflected in the decay of the political system with the Tories and Labour recording their lowest ever combined vote total percentage in a general election.
While there is relief that the outburst of racist violence was short lived it would be wrong to believe that the threat of violence has gone away or that the racist sentiments motivating it have ebbed. An indicator of this is the rhetoric and actions of the Labour government in the wake of the violence. Rather than challenge racism they have expanded their anti-immigration policies by pledging to reopen immigrant detention centres (including the notorious Campsfield House) and also to fast-track deportations. This just reinforces the public perception of immigration as a problem and gives credence to the parties of the right. It is not so far removed from the claims about “legitimate concerns” and “reasonable fears” that have been used to excuse the violence. Labour has a belief that they can separate the “respectable” racists from the thugs on the street. However, experience shows such a belief to be totally unfounded. Indeed, the respectables, in the form of the Conservative and Reform parties and the right-wing press, are often the main propagators of the racism that erupts into violence. We need only survey the record of successive governments and of the media to confirm that this is the case. For example, the slogan of “Stop the Boats”, which was most readily on the lips of those who were attacking the homes and businesses of ethnic minorities, originated with the Conservative government headed by Boris Johnson and was amplified day in day out by right wing newspapers and broadcasters. The essential point here is that while racism can resonate with some of the poorest in society it always comes from the ruling class. The British ruling class are long practised in using racism and sectarianism to divide workers and maintain the status quo both at home and abroad.
It's not just the case that Labour has accommodated anti-immigrant sentiment. Its broader programme for government, of permanent austerity and endless war, is creating the conditions that further feed into racism. The level of popular support for Labour in the general election was the lowest ever for a party entering government. There has been no honeymoon period. Support for Labour is likely to fall dramatically as it unleashes further rounds of austerity. The claim by Starmer that “things will get worse before they get better” is an admission of this. Under these conditions you could see a revival of a re-aligned and radicalised right. Faced with a parliamentary (and extra-parliamentary) opposition that is blaming the ills of society on “multiculturalism” and immigration an unpopular government will concede further ground on these issues. The record of previous Labour governments in Britain suggests that this is a likely scenario.
However, this is not inevitable. It all depends on the countervailing forces, the most important of which are the organised working class and the political left. The mobilisations that took place, and which were decisive in bringing the wave of violent racist attacks to a halt, offer the glimpse of an alternative. These demonstrations were overwhelmingly working class in composition and involved a range of trade unions and left groups. It was also notable that they contained a significant Palestine solidarity contingent. This is evidence that the issue of Palestine has activated an additional layer of the population and is acting as a touchstone for broader political issues. It is no coincidence that anti-racists tend to be pro-Palestinian while racists are more likely to be supporters of Israel. The issue of Palestine also proved to be an important issue during the election which saw a significant vote for candidates to the left of Labour. A number of seats, that were long term holds for Labour, were won by pro-Gaza/anti-genocide candidates.
The bones of a new left movement, which has a parliamentary platform alongside a presence in trade unions and communities, is already in existence. However, the further development of that movement is held back by the limited vision of its leadership. Jermey Corbyn is the prime example of this. Despite being the most high-profile figure on the British left, and after being undermined, slandered and then expelled from the party, he has no intention of building an opposition. Corbyn and his supporters continue to believe that Labour is a vehicle for reform and that they can be reconciled with the party. The same goes for the leaders of the trade union movement who are still backing Starmer.
This may change as the crisis in Britain deepens and the Labour government increasingly comes into conflict with organised workers. At this stage, despite some fraying, there has not been the substantial break from Labour needed to put flesh on the bones and allow a new left movement to come into existence. In the absence of a left opposition there is a real danger that discontent with the Starmer government will be captured by the right. And not just by the parliamentary right but also by the fascist right that seeks to mobilise on the streets. The bones of a left movement may be visible but so are the bones of a fascist movement. It may be at bay for the time being but that is unlikely to last. Indeed, if there is an upsurge in working class militancy, the same mobs that were attacking migrants will be out attacking trade unionists and socialists.
There is a deep political and economic crisis in Britain that is not going to be resolved by the election of a Labour government. Indeed, Labour could be the handmaidens of something much more threatening. The stakes couldn’t be higher and the urgency to build a socialist alternative couldn’t be greater.