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Socialist Democracy replies to statement by the Red Network

January 2025

The Red Network, a platform of socialist activists within PBP, has recently published a lengthy statement (1) detailing its perspectives on the current state of the Irish Left.   This is pitched as an effort to open up discussion and debate on the formation of a revolutionary left current.  We welcome this initiative and are interested in being part of that debate. As an initial contribution we have produced the following as a reply.

There are many points in the Red Network statement that we are in agreement with.

We agree that revolution is not a conspiracy by a small group but a process of social change that requires the active participation of the mass of the population.

We share your scepticism over the possibility of social democratic reforms coming through the Dail given the pro-capitalist character of the institutions of the Irish state.   We share the scepticism over the prospect of a Left government as a vehicle to deliver reform.  We agree that one of the main weaknesses of the Left government proposition is its reliance on Sinn Fein.  You rightly state that Sinn Fein is a nationalist party that subordinates itself to demands of capital.

We agree that the idea of a partnership between labour and capital is a myth.  We share your critique of the leadership of the trade unions and the social partnership model that has only produced defeats and transformed the labour movement into an arm of government and employers.

We agree that workers need to act independently in terms of organisation and politics.  We too hold to the view that class struggle in itself does not spontaneously generate socialist politics.  Class consciousness and political consciousness are not the same.  The latter can only come into existence through the activity of socialist organisations.  We also endorse the concept of leadership you have advanced, of the most politically conscious and best organised workers being the leaders within the working class.

We agree that the Left have moved away from class politics and adopted positions that are closer to liberalism.  This has led to the elevation of various forms of identity politics, and the substitution of materialist arguments for moralism.   It has produced the extreme censorship and pile-ons that you refer to.

While we would agree with many of the points made in the Red Network statement there are other elements that we would be doubtful about and some we would outrightly reject.  A theme repeated throughout is the need to pitch socialist politics in a manner that appeals to workers.  While we agree on the need to make socialist politics plain, we don’t believe the correct form of words spoken in the right accent is sufficient.  If workers reject the appeals of the Left, it is primarily because they are unconvinced by what is being said about the problems in Irish society and what are being proposed as solutions.

We also disagree with the Red Network view of what constitutes the working class.  A definition, which centres on the poorest and most oppressed section of workers, is too narrow.  Objectively, the working class, defined as a class of people dependent on the sale of their labour power, is much broader.   Of course, there are gradations within this and many workers may not even be conscious of their class position.  However, it is not the case that the poorest workers are necessarily the most class conscious.  Generally, it is skilled workers on relatively higher wages who are the most class conscious and the best organised.  Historically, it is this layer of workers who have been the bedrock of the trade union movement and of mass workers’ parties.

However, these aren’t the main issues we have with the Red Network statement.  For us the problem it is not what is said, which we largely agree with, but with what is omitted.  It says very little about the nature of the Irish economy and how it fits into the global system. What it does say suggests that Ireland is just a small capitalist country in which the ruling class largely has a free hand.  This completely ignores the fact that Ireland as a society is completely dominated by imperialism.  The continued partition of the country is evidence of this but so too is the dominant role of multinational capital in the Irish economy.  The productive sectors of the economy are controlled by US companies while the Irish state operates as a tax haven for US corporations within the EU.  The public expenditures of the Irish state are dependent on the corporation tax collected from a handful of US multinational companies.  In budgetary terms the Irish government does not have free hand.  On paper it has a huge surplus but this cannot be used to implement anything, such as investment in housing and health, that would reduce the profits of these multinational companies.  This is the main barrier to social democratic reforms in Ireland.  The problem is that the Left, as represented in the Dail, don’t recognise this fact and instead make their own pitch, along with all the others, over how this surplus can be spent.

Another area where imperialist domination reveals itself is the increasing militarisation of the Irish state.  Ireland claims military neutrality yet provides support to US led wars.  The most obvious example of this is the presence of the US military at Shannon airport.  In recent years the Irish state has inserted itself into NATO and EU military structures.  Despite its rhetoric the Irish government, through facilitating financial transitions, trade links and weapons transfers, has colluded in the genocide and ethnic cleansing taking place in Gaza.   It has also been an enthusiastic supporter of NATO’s proxy war against Russia in Ukraine.  A priority for any socialist movement must be to oppose the drive to global war and to challenge the collaboration of the Irish state.

Socialist Democracy believes in the necessity of a programme as a means to appeal to workers and also to hold the leadership of any socialist organisation to account.  It doesn’t have to cover everything but it should set out a general analysis of Irish society and set out positions and demands that can advance the workers’ movement.     See our statement on the recent Irish general election for a bare bones’ version of what a workers’ platform/programme would cover (1).

At the very least socialist, community and trade union activists should be coming together through campaigns, particularly around the issue of housing.  The establishment of a grassroots national campaign around housing would be a major step forward.  The housing issue is important not only in its own right but also because of what it reveals about Irish society as a whole.

We agree with the Red Network on the need for an open debate about the future of the Left.  However, this debate cannot be confined to those already affiliated to PBP.  It must include individuals and groups beyond PBP.  It should also have an international dimension, engaging currents in other countries who can draw on similar experiences and provide valuable insights.

Notes
 
(1) https://rednetwork.net/red-lines/2024/12/the-politics-of-the-red-network/

(2) https://socialistdemocracy.org/RecentArticles/RecentSocialistDemocracyStatementOnTheIrishGeneralElection2024.html
 


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