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“Such a parcel of rogues in a nation”

The new Irish government

Part One: A right-wing alliance

24 January 2024


Michael Lowry, Barry Heneghan and Kevin Moran of the Regional Independent Group.

In the aftermath of the Irish general election in November many European commentators congratulated Irish capitalism for avoiding a general European fate of seeing the collapse of mainstream parties and the rise of far-right groups. They underestimated the ingenuity of Irish capitalism. It managed to assemble a far-right government out of already existing traditional currents.

Overall, the picture following the election was more of the same. Yet again the combined vote of the two major capitalist parties fell, but yet again they were propelled back into government, this time with a record low voting turnout below 60% of the electorate. Yet again the minor party, in this case the Greens, brought in to assure the last government of a majority, were wiped out by a vengeful electorate. Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael were able to make use of scraps and debris left behind by their parties in the form of independent candidates to form a new coalition without a third party and, in the process, shift the government programme significantly to the right.

A corresponding element in this election was the failure of any project that might offer an alternative way forward for the Irish working class. Sinn Féin have spent 35 years inching forwards in terms of votes and in projecting their proposed role in a coalition government as representing a change in political direction. The leftist groups have persistently proposed a “left government” led by Sinn Féin and including themselves.

In the 2024 election the Sinn Féin vote fell sharply, wiping out any hope of a place in government for the foreseeable future. The leftists held their share of the vote, but generally were not able to avail of transfers from a falling Sinn Féin vote and were reduced to three TDs.

Fianna Fáil, on 21.9% of the vote, won 48 seats. Fine Gael, on 20.8%, took 38 seats. Their combined total of 86 seats was just short of an overall majority.

Out of the jaws of victory Irish capitalism has been able to forge an amplified victory.  They have been able to dispense with the third party and replace it with a coalition of Independents, many of whom are former members and allies of their own political formations.

The advantage is that this produces a majority that will be very stable. Once bought the Independents are likely to stay bought. It also moves government policy substantially to the right as there will be no restrictions on the two leading parties.

The down side is that the lowest elements of Irish gombeen politics are on display, with the Independents selling their votes for government positions, patronage and backhanders.

The main alliance involved, the Regional Independent Group, had benefited before negotiations began with the appointment of Verona Murphy, a member of the group, as ceann comhairle (speaker) of the Dail. She was deselected as a Fine Gael TD in 2020 following bigoted attacks on migrants.

The RIG members not in government are now seeking resources as a technical group, included in the opposition parties, the only issue to lead to sustained protest from the opposition parties.

The profound corruption of the negotiations is illustrated by the unofficial leader of the RIG, Michael Lowry. He was condemned by the Moriarity Tribunal of 14 years ago for accepting IR£447000 from a local businessman in return for securing the state’s first telecommunication licence. Just before the general election the Garda sent a file on the Tribunal to the Director of Public Prosecution.

Coming in at the rear in the new government are the Healy-Rae brothers from Kerry, a byword in Ireland as parochial chancers and fixers.

What are the contradictions facing the new government? It has triumphed by constructing a secure majority on a minority vote.  It also has budgetary resources based on the flow inwards based on low corporation tax. It has also gained €14 billion in tax that it tried to refuse from Apple corporation, part of a scheme to defraud European taxpayers but now awarded to Ireland by the European Court of Justice.

The bad news is that the state is so financially dependent that it needs €10 billion a year from the transnationals simply to stay afloat. It also goes without saying that a policy based on guaranteeing transnational profit will not resolve Ireland’s housing crisis nor the problems of cost of living and inadequate public services.

Will the new alliance secure the government? The answer is likely yes as long as the opposition remains inside the Dail. The leftists are wedded to liberal policies and to parliamentary procedure, failing spectacularly on the housing crisis and in defending migrants.

A new resistance on the streets will require a programme that rejects imperialism and Irish subservience to it.


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